Who is Phony Traore

They are part of a new trend of anti-western sentiment, seeking to indigenise heroism. This new leader projects youth and vigour in his red beret, pullover and camo trousers. Above all, he exudes an African nationalism, as though he were a rebirth of the negritude movement with quite a few French thinkers, from Senghor to Diop, in its wake. Looking at once like an athlete and a soldier, he wants to claim a hero from a past. Thomas Sankara, that is. An untested Burkinabe leader, Sankara has grabbed myth out of martyrdom. Even then, he was a martyr of hope. That is, people dress him up as a martyr because of what many expected of him. He did not live long enough to be a hero or villain, or neither. In Sankara’s days, the boys of Karl Marx incarnated his profile. The idealist’s song grew dark when his fellow traveler and traitor swept him aside in a stab-in-the-back coup that squelched not only him but also his dream. Even his executioner, known as Blaise Compaore, also has eventually vanished in a blaze of populist revenge. Enter Traore. The man was nearly removed in a coup, and that set him into a fever. He has made himself a hero by default. When he and his French colleagues in Mali, Niger and Guinea fomented coups to power, they stirred up two contradictory emotions. They fed an anti-French imperialism. But a worldwide democratic impulse was up in arms against a military return to power. These two are resolving themselves in his favour for two reasons. One, the coup that failed to oust him but lionised him as a hero. Two, a charm offensive from Russia. Traore is taking advantage of a fear of the West. The French have looked down on their black West African for generations. They were their colonial subjects. During that era, they imposed a system known as assimilation. It was a racist ideology that meant the French did not govern but assimilated them into French culture and way of life. It was a delusion of equality, a throwback from the failed French Revolution. They assumed the French had a superior civilization and they planted it after using their colonial force known as the Senegalese Sharp shooters to mow down resistance from valiant kingdoms in the region. Their assimilation system guaranteed them free access to the wealth of the region. But it implied that the people were not capable of deciding anything for themselves.They treated them like children. Paris dictated every part of their life. Algeria resisted this in the days of De Gaulle. Guinean leader Sekou Toure, in the Loi cadre episode, also asserted Guinean independence.The average French has resented this post-colonial slavery but had done nothing about it. A set of soldiers, with no idea how to govern but how to hold on to power, saw their chance. They plotted a coup, and have used French tyranny as an alibi. It is a cynical view of power. It is them versus us. But they are heroes without spine. Rather than stand as African nationalist, they are switching one master for another. The Russians have seen their opportunity. They have swathed the social media with pictures, videos and narratives that brandish Traore as a hero. For them, the man lives in a humble home, whereas it is fiction. He turned down IMF loans, whereas it is false. That he turned down American offer of visit, another lie. Traore is making his myth on the go. They have turned the opportunist into who he is not. The Russians, on the other hand, have been doing deals and posting their outfit known as Wagner Group to provide army, materiel, and propaganda. The Russians are building schools, hospitals, etc as tokens of empathy. More like tokens of contempt. Immediately, after the failed coup, Traore signed a sweetheart deal for gold mining. This is the making of an exploiter, in the mould of cynics we saw during the Cold War when the Soviet Union and the United States carved spheres of influence in Africa. History has also told us that leaders tend to look to the past as a refuge. They hide in the shadows of men of quality. In Nigeria we have had small men who wanted to be like the big men. For instance we have had little Awolowos, little Ojukwus. In the United States, Ronald Reagan birthed Lilliputians known as Reagan Republicans. Reagan Democrats, the most unlikely, emerged as well. Napoleon lit up young passions all over Europe that Ralph Waldo Emerson described as Little Napoleons. Napoleon III arose and saw himself as Napoleon reborn. The novelist Victor Hugo wrote a pamphlet that put him in trouble. He mocked the fellow in the piece Napoleon, The Little. It was a writing that turned into a mathematical formula in showing how a people can be sold any lie. Hugo asserted that in trying to distort the truth about the stature of Napoleon The Little, two plus two equals five. It was an idea that other writers took up to poohpooh how leaders turn realities upside down, including Dostoyevsky, Samuel Johnson, and of course George Orwell in his famous Nineteen Eighty Four. In his short novel of ideas, Notes From The Underground by Dostoyevsky, “Two plus two is no longer life but the beginning of death.” It is indeed a battle to the death from a man like Traore, who must secure his position by subterfuge, by living in the disguise of a hero. What they are exploiting is, as Ebenezer Obadare demonstrates in a recent piece for The Council of Foreign Relations, a cult of personality. They are exploiting the hunger for a hero who would transform their lives. That yearning for a hero makes them easy preys to adventurers in power. They are not only exploiting Russia. They are turning their fellow African leaders who run democracies as foes of their good fortune. Yet, for us, the danger signal…

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The Illusion of Liberation: Captain Ibrahim Traoré and the Mirage of Pan-Africanism

Of the three military rulers who forcefully seized power in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger, Captain Ibrahim Traoré of Burkina Faso has arguably operated the most sophisticated propaganda machine, one heavily infused with Pan-Africanist and anti-imperialist rhetoric. Yet beneath the surface, his regime has effectively swapped Western hegemony for Russian influence, primarily through collaboration with the Russian Africa Corps, the rebranded Wagner Group notorious for its operations across unstable regions. Since forming the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), these countries have expelled Western powers such as France and the United States, and formally withdrew from ECOWAS, the West African bloc that condemned the military coups and advocated for the restoration of democratic governance. Despite lofty promises, Captain Traoré’s regime has shown little tangible progress. Core objectives, including resolving the humanitarian crisis, reviving the economy, and combating the jihadist insurgency—which has worsened, tripling the death toll since the coup—remain unmet. Instead, civil liberties have been curtailed, and democracy, suspended in 2022, continues to languish. Yet the regime’s narrative persists—amplified by Russian disinformation networks—claiming progress and sovereignty. Just last week, pro-Traoré rallies staged under the banner of a “global day of support” took place in cities such as London, Paris, Accra, Ouagadougou, and Kingston, with demonstrators demanding an end to “Western interference” in AES affairs. Alarmingly, some supporters went as far as threatening to burn down London should Traoré die under mysterious circumstances—a stark and irrational display of political fanaticism. These protests, reportedly funded and encouraged by Russia, represent a new theatre of influence in the global East-West rivalry, with Africa as a battleground. Despite their emotive appeal, the rallies mask worsening conditions on the ground and serve as a distraction from the regression into authoritarianism. The troubling embrace of strongman politics under the guise of sovereignty reflects a crisis in African political consciousness—a failure to reckon with the long-term costs of dictatorship dressed in the garments of anti-colonialism. The irony is clear: in rejecting Western dominance, Burkina Faso and its AES partners have welcomed another imperial force, one equally, if not more, opaque and exploitative. What is even more disconcerting is the applause such regimes receive from segments of the Nigerian public, who view Traoré’s defiance of the West as courage rather than what it truly is—a regression into repression, misgovernance, and foreign manipulation.

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Governor Bago Clarifies Stance: Dreadlocks Not Banned in Niger State

Governor Bago Makes U-turn; Says Dreadlocks Not Banned in Niger

Governor Umar Bago of Niger State has reversed his earlier directive ordering the arrest and fining of individuals with dreadlocks in Minna, the state capital. During a stakeholders’ security meeting on Tuesday, Bago had instructed security operatives to apprehend anyone wearing dreadlocks, shave off their hair, and impose fines, stating, “Nobody should carry any kind of haircut inside Minna.” However, the governor’s comments sparked widespread backlash from Nigerians, prompting him to clarify his stance the following day. In a statement on Wednesday, Bago distanced himself from the controversial order, saying his remarks were misunderstood and that the government has no issue with people wearing dreadlocks. He explained that the target of his earlier directive was not individuals with dreadlocks generally, but rather criminal groups allegedly associated with that appearance. “We don’t have a problem with dreadlocks but we have a problem with the cult here with dreadlocks,” he said. Bago went on to encourage investors and business owners, including those with dreadlocks, to feel welcome in Niger State, calling the controversy “media propaganda

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Wike's Aide Fires Back At Falana

Wike’s Aide Fires Back At Falana: How Many Major Cases Did You Win To Become SAN

Self-appointed human rights lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN) has been challenged to list the number of major cases he won and what he has done for the development of the legal profession that qualified him to become a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN), apart from being an “arrangee and errand lawyer.” Lere Olayinka, Federal Capital Territory (FCT) Minister, Nyesom Wike’s Senior Special Assistant on Public Communications and Social Media, who threw this challenge in a statement on Monday, said “it is funny and ridiculous that in the mind of Falana, only those who have handled cases in trial court or appellate court are lawyers, and that a lawyer must have handled cases in trial or appellate court to be qualified for appointment as a Life Bencher.” Olayinka, who said the FCT Minister got his membership of the Body of Benchers on merit, having contributed immensely to the advancement of legal education, asked; “Apart from going on television to make noise, what has Falana contributed to the legal profession? Even the SAN that he got, was it not an afterthought? Was it not years after his mates had gotten SAN? He said; “As Governor of Rivers State, Wike, was instrumental to the establishment and infrastructural development of the campus of the Nigerian Law School in Port Harcourt, which is the best centre for legal education in Nigeria today. He also played major roles in the development of facilities at the Yenagoa campus of the Nigerian Law School by constructing a state-of-the-art 1,500 capacity hall and 200-bed male and female hostels, among other interventions. “Now that he is FCT Minister, he is constructing a 10-unit housing quarters for the Nigerian Law school, Bwari, Abuja. He has also provided operational vehicles to the school to improve its operation. “The question is; what has Falana done for the legal profession? Even in Ekiti State, where he is from, he has not contributed anything. “The Bar Center in Ado Ekiti was built by Aare Afe Babalola (SAN) while the one in Ikere Ekiti was built by Chief Wole Olanipekun (SAN). Also, Aare Afe Babalola has been sponsoring Nigerian Bar Association annual lecture for years and has been assisting lawyers in Ekiti with medical treatments in his Ado Ekiti teaching hospital. What has Falana done? Nothing! “Did Falana not fail as a politician when he went to Ekiti to contest for governor and failed woefully?” Olayinka, who counselled lawyers like Falana to stop misleading their clients, pointed out that he (Falana) lied onNational Television by saying that the Supreme Court judgment on Rivers State “had nothing to do with who is the authentic Speaker of the House” when the issue of defection of the 27 members of the House of Assembly was determined by the Supreme Court. “It was on the basis of the Supreme Court judgment that Justice Emmanuel Obile of the Federal High Court, Port Harcourt dismissed the suit filed by the Labour Party against the alleged detection, saying that the Supreme Court’s ruling had finalized the issue of defection. “But Falana went on television to lie and deceive his client that the Supreme Court didn’t rule on the defection. “The same Falana said three members of the Rivers State House of Assembly can carry out legislative functions despite the provision of Section 96 (1) of the 1999 Constitution that ‘The quorum of a House of Assembly shall be one-third of all the members of the House.’ “If as a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, you could tell your client that Section 96 (1) of the Constitution of Nigeria is useless and in a House of Assembly of 32 members, three can sit, questions need to be asked as to how exactly you qualified as a Senior Advocate of Nigeria,” Olayinka said.

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The Paris Connection: President Tinubu's Ties to Billionaire Gilbert Chagoury and the Debate Over Power, Privilege, and Public Funds.

The Paris Connection: President Tinubu’s Ties to Billionaire Gilbert Chagoury and the Debate Over Power, Privilege, And Public Funds

Since assuming office, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has traveled more to France than to any other country in the world. On the surface, these visits may appear harmless — just a head of state taking a break or handling diplomatic engagements. But a closer look reveals a web of relationships, business interests, and billion-dollar deals that paint a more complex and troubling picture. A Long Love Affair with France President Tinubu’s trips to France did not begin with his presidency. Long before he moved into Aso Rock, he was a regular visitor to Paris. Back then, it was a private matter — a man choosing where to relax, unwind, or perhaps escape public scrutiny. But things have changed. Today, Tinubu is no longer a private citizen. He is the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. And every flight, every luxury stay, every security detail, is now funded by taxpayers — the same taxpayers struggling to afford basic necessities. In just two years in office, President Tinubu has made at least five publicly known trips to France. Four of these visits were personal or unofficial, and only one was an official state visit. No other country has received this level of attention or frequency. Why France? The answer might lie not just in comfort or preference — but in friendship. Meet Gilbert Chagoury: The Billionaire in the Castle At the center of this story is Gilbert Chagoury, a Lebanese-Nigerian tycoon with deep roots in Nigeria’s economy and politics. His story is as fascinating as it is controversial. Born to Lebanese immigrants who arrived in Nigeria in the early 1900s, Chagoury built a business empire that spans construction, real estate, hospitality, and more. He is the owner of HiTech Construction, the company recently awarded the massive Lagos-Calabar coastal highway contract worth $13 billion. He also owns ITB Nigeria, which just received another $700 million contract to renovate Lagos ports. In addition to this, Chagoury owns Eko Atlantic, the ultra-expensive city built on reclaimed land in Lagos, and Eko Hotel & Suites, one of the most prestigious hotels in Nigeria. But today, Gilbert Chagoury doesn’t live in Nigeria. He has retired from active business and now lives in a luxurious castle in Paris, far from the hustle of Lagos. His children manage his businesses from Nigeria, while he enjoys the fruits of his decades-long empire in Europe. And who visits him regularly in that castle? According to multiple reports — President Tinubu. A Friendship Forged in Power Tinubu and Chagoury have been close friends for over 30 years. Their relationship goes beyond casual visits and old-time loyalty. They are business allies. Since Tinubu became president, Chagoury’s companies have received a windfall of government contracts, most of them without open bidding or competitive tenders. That’s not just business — that’s influence. Leaked documents have also shown that Seyi Tinubu, the president’s son, has deep business ties with the Chagoury family. He co-owns an offshore company with Roland Chagoury, Gilbert’s son, and sits on the board of CDK Industries, another Chagoury-controlled business. These connections, while not illegal on the surface, raise serious questions about transparency, fairness, and the ethics of governance. The Billionaire’s Empire Expands — Again For years, Eko Atlantic City was seen as an overpriced and underutilized project. Most Nigerian companies avoided it due to its high cost and exclusivity. Now, that has changed dramatically. Major corporations are flocking to buy land and build offices in Eko Atlantic. MTN Nigeria recently spent over ₦10 billion to acquire land for its new headquarters. First Bank is constructing its own new head office there as well. More companies are lining up, eager to gain favor with the man whose influence is clearly rising — Gilbert Chagoury. Why the sudden rush? Business owners are reading the political climate. They see where the power lies, and they are aligning with it. It’s not about demand or value — it’s about proximity to influence. State Capture: When Private Interests Control Public Power What we’re witnessing in Nigeria may not just be favoritism or cronyism. It may be something deeper — something more dangerous. It’s called state capture — a form of systemic corruption in which private individuals or groups use their relationships with public officials to shape policies, secure government deals, and dominate entire sectors of the economy to their advantage. In our case, it appears that a significant portion of national decision-making — including infrastructure planning, urban development, and financial policy — is being shaped not just in Aso Rock, but in a farmhouse in Paris, where two old friends discuss matters behind closed doors. This raises serious concerns: The Cost to the People While contracts worth billions of dollars are handed out to connected businesses, ordinary Nigerians continue to suffer. Inflation is rising. Food prices are climbing. The Naira is struggling. Unemployment remains high. And yet, public funds are being channeled toward projects that benefit a select few — often without transparency or accountability. Worse still, the youth — the largest demographic in Nigeria — see all this. They are watching. They are asking questions. And many are losing hope. Final Thoughts: Who Truly Holds the Power? President Tinubu’s repeated trips to France may seem trivial to some. But they are symbolic of a deeper reality — one where personal friendships appear to carry more weight than public interest. In a democracy, leaders are supposed to serve all citizens equally. They are meant to be accountable to the people, not to private partners or foreign-based power brokers. But today, it feels like Nigeria is being governed not just from Abuja, but from Paris — in the quiet corners of a castle, where billion-dollar decisions are made far from public scrutiny. We can only hope that this changes. That transparency returns. That leadership puts the people first again. Until then, we must stay vigilant, informed, and united in asking the most important question of all: Who really governs Nigeria — the people, or the privileged…

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