Nigeria Says Dozens of Gunmen Killed in Military Operations Across Northwest and Northeast

Nigeria’s military has reported killing dozens of armed men in separate operations across the country’s troubled northwest and northeast regions. In Katsina State, northwest Nigeria, authorities said security forces repelled coordinated attacks on multiple villages on Tuesday, killing at least 30 suspected gunmen. The state’s commissioner for internal affairs, Nasir Mua’zu, said the assailants were intercepted by troops and police after launching deadly raids that left a civilian, two soldiers, and three policemen dead. “Our gallant security forces successfully repelled the attackers. Thirty of the criminals were neutralised through coordinated air strikes as they attempted to escape,” Mua’zu said in a statement on Thursday. “We are working tirelessly with federal security agencies to ensure the safety of all citizens.” In a separate operation in the country’s northeast, the Nigerian Army said 24 insurgents were “neutralised” between July 4 and 9 during joint land and air offensives in Borno State, targeting fighters from Boko Haram and the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP). “These coordinated operations were supported by close air support and local forces,” said Army spokesperson Reuben Kovangiya. “The operations underscore the determination of Operation Hadin Kai troops to place terrorists on the back foot and restore socioeconomic activities in the North East.” The northeast has been plagued by extremist violence since the Boko Haram insurgency erupted in 2009. Over 35,000 people have been killed and more than two million displaced, according to United Nations figures. Meanwhile, the northwest remains plagued by armed gangs involved in banditry and mass abductions. Despite occasional peace accords, including a recent one in Katsina with several bandit leaders, attacks and insecurity persist in the region. Nigerian military claims in similar operations have faced skepticism in the past, with independent verification often limited due to restricted media access to affected areas.

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Akon’s £5billion Senegal City Plans Scrapped

Plans for Akon’s £5 billion Senegal city have been scrapped after seven years. The proposed city named after Senegalese-American pop star, real name Alioune Badara Thiam, will not come to fruition at the 800-hectare site in Mbodiène, 100km south of capital city Dakar, BBC reports. “The Akon City project no longer exists,” head of Sapco, Senegal’s tourism development body, Serigne Mamadou Mboup told the BBC. “Fortunately, an agreement has been reached between Sapco and the entrepreneur Alioune Badara Thiam. What he’s preparing with us is a realistic project, which Sapco will fully support.” Initially announced in 2018, Akon City was planned to run on a new, custom cryptocurrency called Akoin and renewable energy, with phase one, including a hospital, mall, school, police station and waste plant, estimated for completion in 2023. In 2022, Akon said the city’s plans were “100% moving”. Today, the location’s one structure is an “incomplete” reception building, with no roads, housing nor power infrastructure. A local resident told BBC: “We were promised jobs and development… Instead, nothing has changed.” The Akoin cryptocurrency has also struggled with repaying investors and questions of legality. “It wasn’t being managed properly — I take full responsibility for that”, Akon said in 2022. In 2021, Akon announced plans to build a second city in Uganda, set to finish in 2036. There’s no new word on the future of the Akon City Uganda project.

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Togo Protests Signal Youth Anger at Dynastic Rule – But Is Change Possible?

Rights groups call out state repression after violent crackdown on protests against President Faure Gnassingbe’s extended rule. Police remove a barricade set up by demonstrators during a protest calling for President Faure Gnassingbe’s resignation in Lome, Togo, on June 26, 2025 [Erick Lome, Togo – The chants have faded in the streets, the barricades have been cleared, and an eerie calm hangs over Togo after days of mass protests in the West African nation’s capital. But beneath the surface, anger simmers, security forces remain stationed at key intersections, and many fear the storm is far from over. From June 26 to 28, thousands took to the streets of Lome to protest constitutional reforms that critics say enable President Faure Gnassingbe to remain in power indefinitely. The 59-year-old – in office since 2005 following the death of his father, who ruled for 38 years – was recently sworn in as president of the Council of Ministers, a powerful executive role with no term limits under a newly adopted parliamentary system. At least four people are believed to have died, dozens were injured, and more than 60 were arrested, according to local civil society groups. Verified videos circulating online show beatings, street chases, and men in plain clothes dragging civilians away. But in a country long used to political fatigue and fractured opposition, the past week marked a rupture. Rejecting a political dynastyTo many observers, these protests represent more than a reaction to constitutional reform: They signal a generational break. “These young people are not simply protesting a new constitution,” said Pap Koudjo, a Togolese journalist and essayist. “They are rejecting 58 years of political inheritance, from father to son, that has brought nothing but poverty, repression, and humiliation.” Most of the protesters were under 25. Many have never known another leader. They have grown up with frequent blackouts, crumbling infrastructure, joblessness and shrinking freedoms. The constitutional change, which removed term limits from the new executive role and eliminated direct presidential elections, was a red line. The government attempted damage control. A steep 12.5 percent electricity price hike – another source of rage – was quickly withdrawn. The activist singer Aamron, whose arrest days earlier had galvanised public anger, was discreetly released. But neither move stemmed the unrest.“The arrest of Aamron was a trigger,” said Paul Amegakpo, a political analyst and chair of the Tamberma Institute for Governance. “But the real story is that this regime has lost its ability to offer a negotiated and institutional solution to the crisis. It is relying purely on military strength.” He points to signs of disquiet within the state itself. A rare statement from former Defence Minister Marguerite Gnakade, condemning the violence and Gnassingbe’s leadership, suggests fractures may exist at the highest levels of the security apparatus. “There’s an institutional void,” Amegakpo said. “Two months after the transition to the Fifth Republic, the country still has no appointed government,” he added, referring to the post-amendment Togo. TogoPeople protest against Togo’s longtime leader, Faure Gnassingbe, in Lome [Alice Lawson/Reuters]Civil society fills the vacuumPerhaps more telling than the protests themselves is who led them. Not traditional opposition parties, which have been weakened by years of cooptation and exile, but influencers from the diaspora, civil society activists, artists and uncelebrated citizens. “The opposition has been exhausted – physically, politically, and financially,” said Koudjo. “After decades of failed dialogue and betrayed agreements, the youth has stepped in.” As protests surged, more institutional voices followed. Several civic organisations issued strong statements condemning the “disproportionate use of force” and demanding independent investigations into the deaths and disappearances. Though not leading the mobilisation, these groups echoed growing alarm about the government’s response and the erosion of civic space. The Media Foundation for West Africa warned that the environment for free expression in Togo was “shrinking dangerously”, a sentiment echoed by other international observers. To Fabien Offner, a researcher for Amnesty International, the crackdown is part of a larger, entrenched system. “What we’re seeing is not an isolated event – it’s the continuation of a repressive architecture,” Offner told Al Jazeera. “We’ve documented patterns of arbitrary arrests, beatings with cords, posturing torture, and impunity – all now normalised.” Amnesty says families are still searching for loved ones taken during the protests. Some have received no information on their whereabouts or legal status. “This is not just about protest management. It’s about the systematic denial of fundamental rights,” Offner said. He added that the government’s claim that protests were “unauthorised” is a misreading of international law. “Peaceful assembly does not require prior approval. What’s unlawful is systematically preventing it.” Amnesty is calling for an independent inquiry into the deaths, a public list of detainees, and full transparency from prosecutors. But Offner also addressed a more uncomfortable truth: international silence. “Togo has become a diplomatic blind spot,” he said. “We need stronger, more vocal engagement from the African Union, ECOWAS, the United Nations, and key bilateral partners. Their silence emboldens the cycle of repression. They must speak out and act.” Even the country’s Catholic bishops, traditionally cautious, warned in a rare statement of the risks of “implosion under suppressed frustration”, and called for “a sincere, inclusive and constructive dialogue”. Togo’s unrest also reflects a broader trend across West Africa, observers note, where youth-led movements are increasingly challenging entrenched political orders – not just at the ballot box, but in the streets, on social media and through global solidarity networks. From the recent mobilisations in Senegal to popular uprisings in Burkina Faso, young people are asserting their agency against systems they view as unresponsive, outdated or undemocratic. In Togo, the protests may be domestic in origin, but they are part of a wider regional pulse demanding accountability and renewal. Togo’s President Faure GnassingbeThe government holds its line“These were not peaceful assemblies – these were attempts to disrupt public order,” said Gilbert Bawara, minister of public service and senior figure in the UNIR governing party. Bawara denied that security forces committed systematic abuses, and insisted that…

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Mali Army Kills 80 After al-Qaeda-Linked Attacks on Military Bases

An al-Qaeda affiliate earlier claimed responsibility for ‘coordinated and high-quality attacks’ in the country. Mali’s armed forces have killed 80 fighters in response to a series of simultaneous and coordinated attacks on military posts across the country, according to a video statement released by the military. “The enemy suffered significant losses in every location where they engaged with the security and defence forces,” Souleymane Dembele, the army’s spokesperson, said in a special bulletin broadcast on the armed forces’ television channel, as visuals of fallen rebels, their weapons, motorbikes, and vehicles were displayed. Al-Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) earlier claimed responsibility for “coordinated and high-quality attacks”, saying it had taken control of three barracks and dozens of military positions. Mali’s armed forces said the attacks took place in seven towns in the central and western regions of the West African country. The incidents bore the hallmarks of other recent operations by the group, which has conducted similar assaults on military positions in Mali and Burkina Faso. Mali, governed by a military government since 2020, has for more than a decade fought violent groups linked to ISIL (ISIS) and al-Qaeda, while contending with a longer history of Tuareg-led rebellions in the north. The attacks on Tuesday targeted Diboli in western Mali near the border with Senegal, and the nearby towns of Kayes and Sandere. There were also attacks in Nioro du Sahel and Gogoui, northwest of the capital Bamako near the border with Mauritania, and in Molodo and Niono in central Mali, “all struck by shellfire”, the army’s statement said. Residents and a local politician confirmed the attacks in at least four towns. “We woke up in shock this morning. There’s gunfire, and from my house I can see smoke billowing towards the governor’s residence,” one resident in the city of Kayes said. The person described the gunfire as “intense” while another reported sheltering at home while the assault raged on.Elsewhere, a local political official wrote on Facebook that “the region of Nioro woke up in shock” and that the towns of Nioro, Sandare and Gogui had been targeted.

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Turning Point Or Pointless Turn: Will DR Congo-Rwanda Deal Bring Peace?

From critical minerals to M23 and grassroots exclusion, experts weigh in on whether the US-brokered agreement can succeed. President Donald Trump holds up a signed document, with Congo’s Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner, Rwanda’s Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe, US Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio.US President Donald Trump holds up a document after DRC’s Foreign Minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner, right, and her Rwandan counterpart Olivier Nduhungirehe, left, signed a peace agreement on June 27, 2025 Cape Town, South Africa – Five months ago, with a single social media post, United States President Donald Trump put half a million people in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) at risk when he announced the closure of USAID – the single biggest aid donor in the country. A few days ago in Washington, DC, the same administration claimed credit for extricating the Congolese people from a decades-long conflict often described as the deadliest since World War II. This year alone, thousands of people have died and hundreds of thousands have been displaced. While the White House may be celebrating its diplomatic triumph in brokering a peace deal between tense neighbours DRC and Rwanda, for sceptical observers and people caught up in conflict and deprivation in eastern DRC, the mood is bound to be far more muted, experts say. “I think a lot of ordinary citizens are hardly moved by the deal and many will wait to see if there are any positives to come out of it,” said Michael Odhiambo, a peace expert for Eirene International in Uvira in eastern DRC, where 250,000 displaced people lost access to water due to Trump’s aid cutbacks. Odhiambo suggests that for Congolese living in towns controlled by armed groups – like the mineral-rich area of Rubaya, held by M23 rebels – US involvement in the war may cause anxiety, rather than relief. “There is fear that American peace may be enforced violently as we have seen in Iran. Many citizens simply want peace and even though [this is] dressed up as a peace agreement, there is fear it may lead to future violence that could be justified by America protecting its business interests.” The agreement, signed by the Congolese and Rwandan foreign ministers in Washington on Friday, is an attempt to staunch the bleeding in a conflict that has raged in one form or another since the 1990s. At the signing, Rwandan Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe called it a “turning point”, while his Congolese counterpart, Therese Kayikwamba Wagner, said the moment had “been long in coming”. “It will not erase the pain, but it can begin to restore what conflict has robbed many women, men and children of – safety, dignity and a sense of future,” Wagner said. Trump has meanwhile said he deserves to be lauded for bringing the parties together, even suggesting that he deserves a Nobel prize for his efforts. While the deal does aim to quell decades of brutal conflict, observers point to concerns with the fine print: That it was also brokered after Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi said in March that he was willing to partner with the US on a minerals-for-security deal. Experts say US companies hope to gain access to minerals like tantalum, gold, cobalt, copper and lithium that they desperately need to meet the demand for technology and beat China in the race for Africa’s natural resources. But this has raised fears among critics that the US’s main interest in the agreement is to further foreign extraction of eastern DRC’s rare earth minerals, which could lead to a replay of the violence seen in past decades, instead of a de-escalation. M23 and FDLR: Will armed groups fall in line?The main terms of the peace deal – which is also supported by Qatar – require Kinshasa and Kigali to establish a regional economic integration framework within 90 days and form a joint security coordination mechanism within 30 days. Additionally, the DRC should facilitate the disengagement of the armed group, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), after which Rwanda will lift its “defensive measures” inside the DRC. According to the United Nations and other international rights groups, there are about 3,000 to 4,000 Rwandan troops on the ground in eastern DRC, as Kigali actively backs M23 rebels who have seized key cities in the region this year. Rwanda has repeatedly denied these claims. M23 is central to the current conflict in eastern DRC. The rebel group, which first took up arms in 2012, was temporarily defeated in 2013 before it reemerged in 2022. This year, it made significant gains, seizing control of the capitals of both North Kivu and South Kivu provinces in January and February. Although separate Qatar-led mediation efforts are under way regarding the conflict with M23, the rebel group is not part of this agreement signed last week. “This deal does not concern M23. M23 is a Congolese issue that is going to be discussed in Doha, Qatar. This is a deal between Rwanda and DRC,” Gatete Nyiringabo Ruhumuliza, a Rwandan political commentator, told Al Jazeera’s Inside Story, explaining that the priority for Kigali is the neutralisation of the FDLR – which was established by Hutus linked to the killings of Tutsis in the 1994 Rwanda genocide. “Rwanda has its own defensive mechanisms [in DRC] that have nothing to do with M23,” Ruhumuliza said, adding that Kigali will remove these mechanisms only once the FDLR is dealt with. But the omission of M23 from the US-brokered process points to one of the potential cracks in the deal, experts say. “The impact of the agreement may be more severe on the FDLR as it explicitly requires that it ceases to exist,” said Eirene International’s Odhiambo. “The M23, however, is in a stronger position given the leverage they have from controlling Goma and Bukavu and the income they are generating in the process.” The US-brokered process requires the countries to support ongoing efforts by Qatar to mediate peace between…

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At Least 38 Killed 28 Injured in Fiery Bus Collision in Tanzania’s Kilimanjaro Region

At least 38 people have been confirmed dead and 28 others injured following a horrific collision between a bus and a minibus in Tanzania’s Kilimanjaro region on Saturday evening. The crash occurred in the Sabasaba area after a tyre burst on one of the vehicles, causing the driver to lose control and triggering a fire that engulfed both vehicles. According to a statement from the presidency on Sunday, 36 of the victims remain unidentified due to the severity of the burns. The nationalities of the deceased have not yet been confirmed. Six of the injured remain hospitalized, while President Samia Suluhu Hassan extended her condolences to the bereaved families and called for stricter enforcement of road safety measures. Tanzania continues to struggle with frequent road accidents despite ongoing awareness campaigns. The World Health Organization estimated that between 13,000 and 19,000 people died in road accidents in the country in 2016, far exceeding the official government figure of 3,256.

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Museveni Confirms 2026 Presidential Bid Vows $500bn Economy in Five Years

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni has officially announced his intention to run for re-election in 2026, potentially extending his nearly 40-year hold on power. The 80-year-old leader, who has ruled the East African nation since seizing power in 1986 after a civil war, made the declaration on Saturday, stating he had submitted interest to become the presidential flag bearer of the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM). Museveni pledged to transform Uganda’s economy from its current $66 billion GDP to a staggering $500 billion within five years — a promise that has raised eyebrows among economists and critics alike. The announcement sets the stage for a high-stakes political showdown in next January’s elections, with opposition leader and pop star-turned-politician Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, confirming he will also contest. Wine rejected the outcome of the 2021 election, alleging widespread fraud and security force intimidation. Uganda’s political climate remains tense following controversial parliamentary approval of a law allowing military courts to try civilians — a move critics say is aimed at silencing dissent. The Supreme Court earlier ruled such trials unconstitutional, but the government claims they are essential for national security. Rights groups, including Human Rights Watch, have long accused the Museveni administration of using security forces and the judicial system, particularly military courts, to target opposition figures. Museveni denies the accusations. As the nation heads toward another contentious electoral cycle, many Ugandans and observers are watching closely to see whether Museveni’s economic promises and political maneuvers will secure him yet another term in office.

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Kenyan Court Declares Nnamdi Kanu’s Abduction and Extradition Illegal, Awards ₦10 Million Compensation

A High Court in Nairobi, Kenya, has ruled that the abduction and detention of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu in June 2021 were unlawful and illegal. The court further awarded compensatory damages of 10 million Kenyan shillings (approximately ₦120 million) against the Kenyan Government for gross violations of Kanu’s fundamental human rights. Delivering judgment, Justice E.C. Mwita condemned the actions of both the Nigerian and Kenyan governments, declaring Kanu’s forced rendition to Nigeria as a breach of Kenyan constitutional provisions and international law. The court found that Kanu, who entered Kenya lawfully, was entitled to legal protection under the country’s laws but was instead subjected to illegal abduction, solitary confinement, torture, and denial of basic rights before being forcibly transferred to Nigeria without due process. Justice Mwita described the action as a violation of Kanu’s rights to personal liberty, security, and freedom of movement, and ruled that the extraordinary rendition was unconstitutional and illegal. Reacting to the ruling, the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB) welcomed the judgment as a landmark victory for justice. In a statement signed by its spokesperson, Emma Powerful, IPOB said the decision validated its long-standing position that Kanu’s transfer was not a legal extradition but a case of extraordinary rendition — which it described as an act of state-sponsored international terrorism. The group expressed gratitude to its legal team, led by Professor PLO Lumumba, and commended the Kenyan judiciary for its impartiality and courage despite political and diplomatic pressures. “This judgment vindicates our position that what transpired in Nairobi in June 2021 was not an extradition but a criminal abduction,” the group stated, vowing to launch a global campaign for accountability against those involved in the operation. IPOB also accused former leaders in both Nigeria and Kenya of complicity in the act. The group described the verdict as a victory for oppressed peoples globally and a stern warning to regimes that abuse state power in violation of international law. Read full details here: News360NG

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